Tag Archives: Canada

God Answers Prayer for Political Leaders

Almost every week at Calvary Grace, as part of the order of service, we offer a prayer to God for those serving in our federal, provincial, or municipal levels of government. We do this because we are commanded to, as the Apostle Paul wrote:

First of all, then, I urge that supplications, prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings be made for all people, for kings and all who are in high positions, that we may lead a peaceful and quiet life, godly and dignified in every way. This is good, and it is pleasing in the sight of God our Savior, who desires all people to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth. (1 Timothy 2:1-4)

Don’t forget that when Paul wrote this, the “kings and all who are in high positions” would have been characters like the Herod family, murderers of infants and prophets, and the Roman emperors. In other words, the fact that the government might not be to our liking as Christians doesn’t remove the responsibility we have to plead to God on their behalf. It’s not just our favourite candidates that get prayed for; we pray for every leader, even–and I’d argue especially–for those we oppose.

And these prayers do not go unanswered. Just today, literally within hours of each other, two events took place in federal politics–one in Canada, and the other in the United States–that not only show God’s common grace in guiding governmental decisions toward justice, but also God’s grace to us as believers in answering our prayers.

In Canada, the Trudeau government has been working on cleaning up the Criminal Code and removing archaic and redundant laws. It’s a sad indication of the secular “bubble” that many of our legislators live in that, until today, the government was seriously planning to remove Section 176, which made it illegal to disrupt worship services. The justification offered–that other laws already make such acts illegal–not only rang hollow in a cultural environment that regularly sees the “heckler’s veto” employed to shut down free speech, but in the aftermath of Sunday’s tragedy in Sutherland Springs, Texas, came off as tone-deaf and insensitive. Thankfully, this morning, members of all three of Canada’s national political parties voted to preserve this section.

In the United States, Republicans in the House of Representatives, which is working to simplify the tax code, have been pilloried for days by their own political base for a tax plan that not only keeps federal funding for an organization that kills, dismembers, and sells pieces of unborn children but removed a tax credit for families pursuing adoption. Even the Democrats attempted to reinstate the tax credit, only to be shot down. Again, thankfully, there was a sudden “change of heart” in Washington today as both the Senate and the House Republicans announced that, having received an utter avalanche of protest calls and emails, the tax credit would be reinstated.

Ultimately, government cannot solve humanity’s fundamental problem of sin. But God has mercifully given us political leaders, governments, and civil services for the purpose of making life livable until he, alone, brings about perfect justice. Both of these decisions serve to restrain wickedness and promote justice in their respective countries. Even more, both decisions in their own way preserve the ability of Christians and churches to display and promote the Gospel before unbelieving fellow citizens.

That witness is, at least at Calvary Grace, a persistent theme in our prayers for political leaders, as we ask God to promote justice and peace through them in order that the Gospel would spread “without hindrance” (Acts 28:31). There are certainly many examples both north and south of the border of wicked and immoral government action, which should spur all Christians to even more fervent prayer while reminding them of the very real limitations of political action. But today, we can thank and praise God that he not only hears our prayers but, according to his will, has in these two cases granted them.



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On National Aboriginal Day, Clint Humfrey shares the story of the Cree chief Maskepetoon. A must-read:


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TGC Canada’s Website Now Live!

I’m so excited and thankful to see this finally come together! The Gospel Coalition Canada, a cross-denominational resource and fellowship ministry, has launched its website. Bookmark this and visit regularly, here:


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TGC Atlantic August Conference Topic Announced!

Folks in the Maritimes and Newfoundland, don’t miss this conference! After being there last year, even as just a visitor from Alberta, I’m more than happy to say that not only is this an incredibly well-run conference and the subject matter will be invaluable, but that the Christian fellowship and encouragement is a real gift to the Atlantic Canadian church. Mark your calendars.

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“Buckle of the Bible Belt”? Part 3

Alberta’s Evangelical Reality: A Wasteland, Not A Heartland

In my first article, and in my second article on the case of William Aberhart, I argued that because of the unique political culture and history in Alberta, because of the influential but biased perspective of a national political, cultural and media establishment rooted in a more secular and postmodern part of the country, because of the outsized impact Western-based and particularly Albertan evangelical Protestants have had in Canadian politics, and because of Canadians’ natural suspicion of American culture combined with the historically close ties Alberta has enjoyed with the more religiously and culturally conservative parts of the United States, Canadians find it all too easy to generalize and assume that Alberta is a Canadian “Bible Belt” and Calgary is its “buckle.”

In this article, I plan to show that, sadly, this perception is not reality.


The Government of Canada’s statistical agency, Statistics Canada, tracks religious attendance across the country. While unfortunately (for our purposes) they do not distinguish between adherents of different denominations or even of different religions, their figures can provide us an initial snapshot of how “religious,” in general, Alberta is compared to the rest of the country.

Below is a table extracted from a Winter 2000 article in Statistics Canada’s magazine, Canadian Social Trends:

Canadian Religious Attendance by Province

Before discussing these data, a couple of qualifications are in order. First, like I said, no attempt is made to distinguish between adherents of different religions or denominations. So remember: this is a measurement of Canadians’ commitment to religion in general. This is not a measurement of evangelical Christian attendance.

Second, this is a measurement of church attendance for adults 15 and over. This minimizes the impact that conservative religious families, who tend to have more children, would otherwise have on these statistics; a family of 6 young children will not “pad” these stats! On the other hand, it also implies that Canada’s falling birthrates (versus its growing immigrant population) are not the reason for these declines, either.

Third, the date given here is 1998. I was unable to find anything broken down by province that is more recent (if you know of any such data, please let me know where in the comments!). So these data are 15 years old. In that time, various social trends and pressures would have influenced religious attendance. Urbanization has continued since then, as I noted in the first article, and higher urbanization shows some correlation with lower religious attendance. The Catholic church, especially in Quebec, has seen its attendance plummet even as its membership grew due to immigration. The mainline Protestant churches have seen significant decline in their attendance, while evangelical churches have actually shown growth overall at their expense, at least nationally. And don’t forget the increasing numbers of adherents of other religions in Canada, particularly Muslims.

So I would expect the trends represented in this table to have continued somewhat, though there is a “hard floor” of religious commitment that Canadian religious attendance will eventually hit as older mainline churches have no more members to hemorrhage…

However, for our purposes in this series, these data work nicely. For those who simply assume that Alberta is a nest of fervent religious zealots, these figures are, put plainly, shocking. 

Of Canada’s ten provinces, Alberta rates second lowest for the percentage of adults attending religious services regularly. Alberta is tied with ardently secular Quebec, of all places. The only province worse than Alberta is another Western province often viewed as a religious heartland, British Columbia (I would theorize that British Columbia’s significant population of immigrants from East Asia and their descendants, who do not have a cultural tradition of religious attendance–I don’t think many Eastern religions have weekly services–might have something to do with this). Ontario is actually better off than Alberta.

Again, this is not a measurement of evangelical commitment. In theory, the share of evangelicals in Alberta’s population could actually be rising and these numbers would fall if all other religious traditions collapsed. I don’t think that’s the case, however.


So how can we gauge the strength of Alberta’s (and Calgary’s) evangelical community? Religious attendance isn’t the only “proxy” for religious belief. The number of religious congregations is also an indication of a belief system’s strength.

I work part-time as a corporate chaplain with a Canadian evangelical ministry called Outreach Canada (OC). This ministry has, among other things, gathered some very interesting data on the state of Christianity in Canada, which I’ve placed below. Like the religious attendance statistics above, for many Canadians, some of OC’s statistical conclusions may be surprising. However, for those of us engaged in ministry in Alberta–and in Calgary in particular–OC’s figures are illuminating.

Selected Canadian Metro Areas With Evangelical Church to Pop. Ratios

Quebec City Quebec 1:23,331
Saguenay Quebec 1:21,733
Trois-Rivieres Quebec 1:9508
Montreal Quebec 1:8688
Sherbrooke Quebec 1:8668
St. John’s Newfoundland 1:6718
Ottawa-Gatineau Ontario 1:6129
Oshawa Ontario 1:5381
Toronto Ontario 1:5229
Great Sudbury Ontario 1:4764
Calgary Alberta 1:3818
Windsor Ontario 1:3773
Victoria British Columbia 1:3674
Hamilton Ontario 1:3654
Kingston Ontario 1:3604
Halifax Nova Scotia 1:3539
Edmonton Alberta 1:3420
London Ontario 1:3351
Vancouver British Columbia 1:3269
Thunder Bay Ontario 1:3214
Winnipeg Manitoba 1:3169
Regina Saskatchewan 1:3148
St. Catherine’s-Niagara Ontario 1:2390
Saskatoon Saskatchewan 1:2331
St. John New Brunswick 1:2099

The original table is found here at J.D. Payne’s blog.

This table arranges the urban areas of Canada by their ratio of population to number of evangelical churches. The 25 cities with the lowest ratio are shown, so cities with higher numbers of churches compared to overall population are not listed. In other words, this is a list of the most “un-churched” cities in Canada, arranged from “most un-churched” at the top to “25th-most un-churched” at the bottom (I know, clunky grammar, but it makes the table more understandable!)

Now, it’s important to note that, culturally speaking, English-speaking Canada and French-speaking Quebec are profoundly different. They speak different languages, but also have different histories, being settled by different nations, living under different versions of civil law, and having different religious heritages. Quebec was once heavily Catholic, but has become so ardently secular that it is one of the least “Christian” places on Earth. Again, I need to note that, because Quebec exercises such a large cultural and political influence on the Canadian national conversation, the profound secularism of Quebec makes the greater religiosity of other regions appear more fervent by way of comparison in the Canadian mind.

It’s more informative, then, to count the Quebec cities out of this comparison. When we do, the result is staggering. Of all the English-speaking urban areas in Canada, measured by ratio of evangelical churches to population, Calgary is the sixth-worst.

I’ll say that again, differently. Calgary has fewer evangelical churches compared to its population than all but five English-speaking cities in Canada.

Who’s worse? St. John’s, Newfoundland is the lowest English-speaking city; it’s a port city and also, like Quebec, has a long Catholic heritage (even today, almost half the city considers itself Catholic). The next area, Ottawa-Gatineau, is actually misleading; Gatineau is located in Quebec, across the river from the capital, and is French-speaking. I would suspect that Ottawa’s ratio is skewed by Gatineau’s inclusion and that the English-speaking part of the metro area should be listed further down the table, while Gatineau might actually be comparable to other Quebec cities. The other three cities are in Ontario. Besides Toronto, Oshawa is actually the eastern anchor of the Greater Toronto Area, while Sudbury is an industrial city located in a more remote area of Ontario.

So you could say that, other than a heavily Catholic and isolated port city in Newfoundland and three industrial cities in Ontario, Calgary is actually the most secular English-speaking city in Canada.

Calgary has one evangelical church for every 3818 inhabitants, according to the table. Actually, I think the situation is even worse. These data date from 2006. Calgary experienced a population boom up till the economic crash in 2008. Calgary’s population in 2006 was 988,193. As of 2013, the city’s population is 1,149,552. That’s a 16% increase in just seven years.

I haven’t done any market research or surveys myself. But having served in pastoral ministry in Calgary since 2006, I would be highly surprised if there has been a 16% increase in the number of established evangelical churches. I’m aware of quite a few failed church plants, but I doubt the number of surviving churches planted since then would have been enough to improve the ratio.

Note, too, that our sister/rival city to the north, Edmonton, is six places further down with a ratio of one church to every 3420 inhabitants. They aren’t really much better off, either.


So is Alberta a “Bible Belt?” Well, here’s what the numbers tell us.

Far from being a religious heartland, Alberta is, when measured by religious attendance, the second-least religious province in the country.

And far from being the vaunted “Buckle of the Bible Belt,” Calgary actually has fewer evangelical churches (for its population) than all but five other English-speaking cities in Canada.

Alberta’s no evangelical heartland, folks. It’s more of a wasteland.

I’ll close this article here. Next time, in Part 4, I plan to look at some indicators of the health of the evangelical churches we do have in Alberta. That will push the discussion of Canada’s true “Bible Belt” to a later article.


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“Buckle of the Bible Belt”? Part 1

Explaining Alberta’s and Calgary’s Evangelical Reputation


It’s not uncommon to hear of Alberta described as Canada’s “Bible Belt.” My home province has been labeled in the Canadian popular understanding as a bastion of religious fundamentalism. Like many popular assumptions, this particular belief usually isn’t examined very closely; most folks take it for granted.

But is it true? Is Alberta the “Bible Belt” of the Frozen North, and is the “cowboy capital” city of Calgary the “buckle” that holds it all together? It’s actually an important question for Canadian Christians to answer. Alberta is growing in both population and economic power within the Canadian federation, especially compared to older parts of the country like Ontario, Quebec, and the Maritime provinces. But the reputation of Alberta as an enclave of evangelicals raises the possibility that evangelical churches, denominations, and mission agencies, when considering where to allocate scarce resources for church planting and strengthening, may consider Alberta to be “less of a priority” than other seemingly “less evangelical” parts of the country. Missionaries may opt for other provinces; church planters may decide the need is greater in cities other than Calgary or Edmonton or Red Deer or Lethbridge.

My aim in writing this is to show that, despite its reputation, Alberta is not Canada’s Bible Belt, and Calgary is certainly not the “buckle” of any such belt. I’m (deo volente) currently planning three articles in this series. This is the first article in a multi-part series. In this first article, I’m going to look at why Alberta has this reputation as Canada’s “Bible Belt,” examining the cultural and (particularly) political factors that have influenced this view of the province by Canadians.

(Update, 23 November: because of an interesting comment below, I wrote a second article examining in more detail the case of “Bible Bill” Aberhart and the 1935 Social Credit election victory, and clarifying my main argument.)

In a couple days, in my second third article, I’m going to offer some sobering statistics and real-life examples that show that Albertan evangelicals, and particularly those in Calgary, are not nearly as well-off as popular assumptions might lead one to believe. The final article will have some thoughts on where I actually think Canada’s “Bible Belt” is, and some concluding remarks.

Here’s the other articles in the series; I will add to this list here as I post them on the blog:

Part 2: “Bible Bill” Aberhart and the Myth of Alberta as Canada’s Bible Belt

Part 3: Alberta’s Evangelical Reality: A Wasteland, Not A Heartland

Part 4: Beyond Statistics: Alberta Evangelicals’ Critical Theological Condition

Part 5: Straitlaced No More: Alberta’s Moral Decline

I’ll apologize at the outset both for the length and the historical and political emphasis of this series. Understanding Calgary’s (and Alberta’s) reputation as an evangelical hotbed requires some historical analysis, and I hope it is enlightening to many.


Some readers may already have been taken aback by my statement above that I don’t think Alberta and Calgary in particular are any kind of evangelical redoubt. If we aren’t the “Bible Belt,” why does everyone think we are?

Albertans, and especially Calgarians, are a rather unique lot in Canadian culture. We have unique resources; the home of Canada’s oilpatch, Alberta has become incredibly wealthy even compared to other parts of the country. We have unique, uh, interests: Alberta boasted the world’s first UFO landing pad, and the town of Vulcan, south of Calgary, has built an entire tourist industry based on the happy (for them, anyway) coincidence that Star Trek’s Mr. Spock hailed from a world of the same name. And we have unique politics: in a nation generally leaning centre-left on the political spectrum, Alberta has a uniquely conservative and stable political climate. Having voted for only three changes of government in more than 108 years, and with the currently governing Progressive Conservatives (PCs) closing on 43 uninterrupted years in power, Alberta has a tradition of one-party rule that banana republics the world over can only gaze upon with envy. Moreover, in each case the political change came from the right: a populist farmers’ movement tossed Alberta’s first Liberal government in 1921, the right-wing Social Credit movement swept aside the United Farmers in 1935, and the PCs overthrew the Socreds in 1971.

So there are some reasons internal to Alberta politics, that have contributed to this reputation. We’re not like the rest of the country, and we’re conservative to boot. But my belief is that the primary reason for our Bible Belt reputation isn’t so much found in Alberta itself, but in the assumptions that undergird the perspectives of those in the rest of the country.


As background for readers from outside our country: more than half of Canada’s population lives in another “belt” stretching from Quebec City to Windsor, Ontario—a belt that contains the urban centres of Toronto and Montreal. This “belt” has always been the political and cultural powerhouse of the Canadian federation. Even as hard economic times have been shifting Canada’s economic engine to the resource-rich Western provinces, the fact remains that urban Ontario and Quebec still hold the bulk of federal parliamentary seats and are home to Canada’s most powerful media companies and cultural industries. Compared to cosmopolitan and progressive Toronto, Calgary seems a bastion of traditional Protestantism; compared to post-Catholic secular Montreal and Quebec City, Calgary is a hotbed of religious fervor!

A significant factor in this difference is demographics. Alberta, like the other Western provinces, has a proportionately larger rural population than Ontario; furthermore, Alberta’s rural population only dropped below Quebec’s as a percentage of the population starting in 1981. Rural populations tend to be more socially conservative and religious than urban ones, and so simple demographics play a role in enhancing Alberta’s reputation as a religious enclave. Reinforcing this difference is the fact that even within Ontario and Quebec, regions outside these large cities often feel rather alienated. For example, the mood in Northern Ontario toward the seat of power in Toronto has at times been so sour that folks in the region have muttered about separating from the rest of the province. Quebec nationalism (and sentiment in favour of Quebec independence) has always been much stronger in areas outside more cosmopolitan and (relatively) anglophone Montreal, to the degree that residents of the Montreal area have considered secession from the rest of Quebec in the event of the province’s separation from Canada.

If even within their own provinces, these cities are cultural “worlds unto themselves,” it is unsurprising that sharp differences of values and perception might exist between Alberta and the Toronto-Montreal cultural and political “nexus.” My argument is that the perception (and, indeed, the very worldview) of Canada’s political and media elites is colored by their own location  in urban Central Canada, and by the post-Christian and postmodern assumptions and values that are increasingly taken for granted in urban Ontario and Quebec. The perception of those elites, in turn, heavily influences Canada’s national media coverage, entertainment, and political discourse. Since Alberta and Calgary in particular do not fit the assumptions and values of Central Canada’s elites very well, their perception of conservative and religious tendencies in Alberta and Calgary are easily magnified into the image of a “Bible belt.”


That perception has only been reinforced by the political history of Canada. Traditionally, Western Canadians have felt alienated and somewhat ignored or exploited by the Ontario-Quebec political nexus, and consequently have viewed the mainstream political parties (the Liberals and the Conservatives) with some suspicion. Periodically, this alienation has boiled into political revolt, expressed historically through the creation of new political parties. (For American readers, these populist revolts in Canadian political history bear interesting similarities to the current Tea Party revolt within the Republican Party in the United States).

Interestingly enough, these populist parties and movements have not only invariably begun or been based in Alberta, but they have also, significantly, been prominently led by evangelicals. Three noteworthy examples I’ll look at are the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the Social Credit movement, and the Reform movement.


In 1932, the social-democratic Cooperative Commonwealth Federation was formed in Calgary under the leadership of a Methodist circuit-riding preacher named J.S. Woodsworth, and it initially flourished largely in Western Canadian parliamentary ridings and provincial legislatures. Building from that foundation, the CCF and its socialist successor, the modern New Democratic Party, has exercised a deep influence on Canadian politics ever since. One outstanding example that both Canadians and Americans would both be at least casually aware of is the modern Canadian institution of single-payer government-run medicare. What many conservative and evangelical Americans may be surprised to learn is that Canadian medicare owes its existence largely to the efforts of a Baptist minister named Tommy Douglas, who led the CCF to implement it in the western province of Saskatchewan only later to be imitated in the rest of the country.


Based on the monetary teachings of British theorist C.H. Douglas, the conservative Social Credit movement in Canada began in Alberta and first swept to power in that province’s 1935 election under the leadership of the charismatic (in both senses of the term!) Baptist minister William “Bible Bill” Aberhart. Alberta’s seventh premier, Aberhart served until 1943 and actually ran a Bible radio program—even when in office! (An interesting historical note is that Aberhart was once principal of the Alexandra School in which, many years later, we at Calvary Grace Church met until 2012). His successor as premier was another evangelical and the first graduate of Aberhart’s “Calgary Prophetic Bible Institute,” Ernest Manning, who led Social Credit to seven consecutive election victories and cemented Alberta’s modern political tradition of one-party rule.


Pierre Trudeau ruled as a Liberal Prime Minister of Canada until the early 1980s. Not only did his foreign policies irritate Canadian allies abroad in the United States and NATO, but domestically, his policies infuriated Western Canadians. (One enduring legend in Canadian political history is Trudeau’s train trip through Western Canada in 1982; people tossed tomatoes at his car in the Rogers Pass, B.C., egged his coach in Exshaw, Canmore, and the outskirts of Calgary, and a frustrated Trudeau famously “flipped the bird” to protesters in Salmon Arm, B.C.) Western alienation within the Canadian confederation reached a fever pitch, a rage only temporarily soothed by the 1984 landslide that replaced the Liberals with Brian Mulroney’s Progressive Conservatives. This alienation soon began to grow again, however, particularly because of Mulroney’s repeated actions calculated to placate the Quebec nationalist wing of his coalition, actions interpreted by Westerners as being at their expense.

Disgusted with both traditional Canadian political parties, a new political party called the Reform Party was formed in Western Canada. Not only did Reform elect its first Member of Parliament from Edmonton, Alberta, but its leader was the son of Alberta Socred leader Ernest Manning (remember him above?). The younger Manning, another evangelical Christian named Preston, was based in Calgary and would later led the Reform party to sweep Western Canada’s parliamentary seats, assume Official Opposition status, destroy the Progressive Conservatives as a political force, and split Canada’s conservative movement for more than a decade.

Stymied, however, in its efforts to appeal to Central and Eastern Canadians, the Reform party re-branded itself as the Canadian Alliance under the leadership of (yet) another evangelical, a former Alberta cabinet minister named Stockwell Day. (Day’s evangelical beliefs on creation and evolution were infamously ridiculed on national television by a Liberal party hack wielding a stuffed toy dinosaur). Later, in the early 2000s (still) another evangelical and former Reformer, Stephen Harper, was instrumental in uniting the Canadian Alliance with the Maritime and Central Canadian rump of the Progressive Conservatives, forming the current Conservative Party of Canada that has now won three consecutive federal elections.


Compounding the influence of these political facts has been Canadians’ perception of the historical connection Alberta has had with the United States. One of the earliest non-native settlements in Alberta was Fort Whoop-up, so named because its American proprietors had set up shop just across the border from the authorities in their own country in order to ply the local natives with whiskey (a factor that, among other things, contributed to the formation of what later became Canada’s famous Royal Canadian Mounted Police). Since the second half of the 20th century, the oil boom in Alberta has created strong economic ties between the province and the oil-rich evangelical and Republican heartland of the southern United States.

These economic ties have contributed to a significant interchange of culture and immigration in both directions between Alberta and the United States. Today, more Americans reside in Calgary (per-capita) than any other city in Canada (and by some accounts, any other city worldwide). Calgary’s famous Stampede, begun by an American named Guy Weadick, is a keynote event in professional rodeo, a sport also popular throughout the western United States, and draws thousands of American and international tourists each year. The mobility of families between Alberta and the United States has been recently illustrated by the examples of two famous politicians. One of the stalwarts of Albertan and conservative Canadian politics in the last twenty years was a man named Myron Thompson, a dual citizen of Canada and the United States and former U.S. Army soldier. Thompson was born and raised in Colorado and once tried out for the New York Yankees as a catcher, only to lose out to Yogi Berra! More recently, a minor scandal erupted in America when it was discovered that a conservative Republican Senator from Texas, Ted Cruz—again, an evangelical, and a Tea Partier to boot!—had been born in Calgary.

It’s important to stress the importance, in the Canadian cultural mind, of this connection of Alberta with the United States. In Canadian political discourse, “American-style” is an insult, and has been very commonly thrown at the policies advocated by both provincial and federal Albertan conservatives. In a country that, since the American Revolution, has defined itself largely by its differences from its southern neighbor, these associations between Alberta and the United States have resulted in Alberta being similarly associated in the public mind with the overt religiosity (at least as compared to Canada) of American culture and politics.


To summarize, then! Because of the unique political culture, demographics, and history of Alberta, because of the influential but biased perspective of a national political, cultural and media establishment rooted in a more secular and postmodern part of the country, because of the outsized impact Western-based and particularly Albertan evangelical Protestants have had in Canadian politics, and because of Canadians’ natural suspicion of American culture combined with the historically close ties Alberta has enjoyed with the more religiously and culturally conservative parts of the United States, Canadians have for years found it all too easy to generalize and assume that Alberta is a Canadian “Bible Belt” and Calgary is its “buckle.”

In other words, Alberta and Calgary are perceived to be more “evangelical” than they really are. However, the facts don’t support the reputation. More on that next time.


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